Рада національної безпеки і оборони України

Інститут утворено Указом Президента України від 16 березня 2001 року № 173 “Про Національний інститут проблем міжнародної безпеки”.

Інститут ліквідовано Указом Президента України від 2 квітня 2010 року № 471 “Про оптимізацію діяльності з розроблення наукових засад національної безпеки України”.

 

"Migration and migration policy in Ukraine"


14.06.2006
Olena Malynovska

The migration processes developed unevenly and their scale and direction were subject to regional variations. At the beginning of the twentieth century the geographical term Halychyna (Galicia) was for Europeans a synonym for poverty. Over 40% of peasant households worked on land units of less than 2 hectares. Undeveloped industries were unable to absorb the surplus rural labour. Emigration provided these people with away out. This movement involved 10% of the population. According to historians, before World War One, 470 000 people moved to the United States and another 170 000 went to Canada. Emigration continued during the inter-war period. Galicia lost 175 000 of its inhabitants while part of Poland. Economic emigration was accompanied by politically stimulated movements following the defeat of the national liberation struggle of 1917-1920 and the later annexation of western Ukraine by USSR. This wave of emigration is estimated to have consisted of not less than 100 000 people. A fairly large Ukrainian community appeared in the western hemisphere. Today, there are 2 million Ukrainians in the United States, 1 million in Canada and 300 000 in Brazil.

At the beginning of the century, an emigration that was very similar in its character to the western Ukrainian experience developed in central and eastern Ukraine. It was also caused by a lack of land and poverty and differed only in its direction. Ukrainian peasants brought under the plough the southern Ukrainian and Bessarabian steppes, the northern Caucasus and the lower Volga Basin. The chain of Ukrainian villages stretched across the Urals, north Khazakhstan as far as the Pacific Ocean, where the signs of their Ukrainian origins remain even today. The number of Ukrainian migrants reached 1.6 million people. Canadian historians argue that up to 40% of western Canadian lands were cultivated by Ukrainians. Ukrainian contributions to the development of Siberia and the Far East were no less significant.

With the coming of Soviet power migration continued to be a means for settling distant territories. However, during the Stalin period the process increasingly assumed a forced character. During collectivisation more than 200 000 peasant homesteads (not less than 1 million people) were "' dekulakized" and exiled. A further 1 million people, mainly politically and religiously active individuals, intellectuals and peasants were deported from western Ukraine after its reunification with Soviet Ukraine in the period 1939-41. At least 200 000 inhabitants accused of involvement in the clandestine national liberation movement were also deported from this region in the immediate post-war years.

According to statistics, as of 1 January 1953, Ukrainians occupied third place after Germans and Chechens among 1.8 million adult "special deportees". At the same time, Ukrainians were second only to Russians among those in exile, comprising 20% of the total.

Apart from Ukrainians, representatives of other nationalities were victims of forced deportations. Among them were over 450 000 Germans and more than 200 000 Crimean Tartars. Forcible deportations also affected Poles, Bulgars, Armenians and Greeks.

Ukraine also experienced great losses due to the various population movements of the Second World War - 1.9 million were evacuated to the eastern territories of the USSR; over 2 million, mostly young, were abducted to the Nazis for forced labour in Germany.

However, Ukrainians leaving Ukraine did not always go as victims but often as representatives of the regime to serve, for example, in the armed forces in different regions of the USSR and abroad or to develop virgin territories. Campaigns to recruit labour, common throughout the entire Soviet period, were used in these cases. Youth was mobilised through Komsomol assignments and a centralised allocation of newly graduating experts.

Fairly substantial groups of Ukrainians formed in western Siberia, particularly in Tyumen, Yakutia, and northern Khazakhstan. Ukrainians, along with Russians and Byelorussians, were the most mobile ethnic groups in the USSR according to the 1989 census. The Ukrainian "eastern Diaspora" numbered 6.8 million. 4.4 million ethnic Ukrainians were living in Russia, 890 000 in Khazakhstan and 600 000 in Moldova.

While people were leaving, there was a significant migration into Ukraine. The country was always attractive to migrants because of its moderate climate and relatively better socio-economic conditions. During recent decades the migration turnover between Ukraine and the rest of the USSR averaged 1.5 million annually. The number of immigrants consistently outnumbered the number of emigrants. Obviously, such a situation was not in the interests of an already densely populated republic with excess manpower and a considerable outflow among the native population. However, this tendency served the needs of Soviet migration policy which was guided by the empire's socio-economic development needs as a whole and aimed to destroy traditional national and cultural relations and to create a new supranational entity, the "Soviet people".

One of the significant consequences of these migrational movements for Ukraine was a change in its ethnic composition in favour of the non-Ukrainian population. For example, the number of Russians in Ukraine increased by 60% during the 1959-1989 period. 44% of Russians living in Ukraine at the time of the last census were actually born outside the country. At the same time, because the absolute number of Ukrainians among emigrants was greater than among the immigrants, their number in Ukraine increased much more slowly than elsewhere. If in 1979,13.8% of ethnic Ukrainians lived in the other Soviet republics, then the last Soviet census in 1989 revealed this figure had increased to 15.4%.

2. After independence

At the beginning of 1990s significant changes occurred in the character of migration, specifically its intensity, composition and directions due to the emergence of new independent states in place of the former Soviet Union. The end to the centralised allocation of manpower and of military service outside one's own republic reduced noticeably the size of the migrant turnover between Ukraine and the other former Soviet republics. At the same time Ukraine's positive migrational balance rose sharply. In 1989 it stood at 44 300 people, 79 300 in 1990, but in 1991 it jumped to 148 400 and to 288 100 in 1992.

Immigration into Ukraine was more akin to repatriation. Thus, whereas in 1989 Ukrainians comprised only 35% of those arriving from the other Soviet republics, in 1991 they numbered 39% and 46% the following year. This influx of Ukrainians comprised 60% of the 1992 record surplus. People arrived principally from Russia, Khazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Movement from the latter was largely accounted for by Crimean Tartars.

Among those coming to Ukraine at the beginning of the 1990s, representatives of deported nationalities and their descendants were the most significant group. Over 250 000 Crimean Tartars, Bulgars, Armenians and Greeks returned to Crimea. Over 2 000 Germans resettled in Ukraine's southern oblasts. This process continues. Approximately 220 000 Crimean Tartars, and several tens of thousands of people of other nationalities still remain where they had been deported but generally desire to return to Ukraine.

Receiving and accommodating these people causes serious problems. Only half of Crimean Tartars currently have permanent housing. Only one third of three hundred settlements in Crimea for the deported nationalities have water and electricity. More than half of the able-bodied among those who have returned are unemployed.

These problems are further complicated by the fact that Ukraine is forced to resolve them alone without any support from the other Soviet successor states. The Agreement on the Restoration of the Rights of Former Deportees, signed by the CIS Member States in October 1992, is not effective.

The growing number of repatriates results not only from the fundamental geopolitical changes on the territory of the former USSR but also from interethnic and socio-political tensions in other regions. As a result of interethnic conflicts and civil wars a new category of migrants, refugees, appeared. This category has become a very real factor on the migrational scene in contemporary Ukraine. The first refugees appeared in 1988-89 after the tragic events in Azerbaijan. In 1989, several thousand Meskheti Turks arrived in Ukraine from Uzbekistan. The largest influx of refugees occurred as a result of the hostilities in the Trans-Dniester region of Moldova. In August 1992 Ukraine received more than 60 000 refugees, half of whom were children.

Ukraine has also given the temporary protection for the refugees from military conflicts in Chechenia (Russia) andAbhasia (Georgia).

In addition to newcomers from the former Soviet republics there are also refugees from many countries of Africa, Southeast Asia and the Middle East. These are sometimes people who, for example, had lived in Ukraine as students and for one reason or another either refuse to return home or cannot do so. They require state protection and assistance. There are 2 697 recognised refugees in Ukraine now. Most of them are Afghans.

Some of the asylum-seekers are so-called "transit" migrants who take advantage of the relative transparency of Ukraine's eastern borders and move through Ukraine to the West. They stay on Ukraine's territory generally without proper documentation and try to cross the borders illegally. More than 10 000 foreigners are arrested at the border yearly and the number of violators is growing. Local criminals often offer their services to these illegal migrants. Criminal gangs are formed in order to transport people across the border. The intensification of illegal immigration threatens to aggravate the criminal, sanitary and health situation in Ukraine and to jeopardise the state in the broadest sense.

In addition to significant geopolitical changes, economic problems - more accurately the deep economic crisis which has to varying degrees affected all the post-Soviet states - constitute a second major factor affecting migration in Ukraine.

These problems are further complicated by the fact that Ukraine is forced to resolve them alone without any support from the other Soviet successor states. The Agreement on the Restoration of the Rights of Former Deportees, signed by the CIS Member States in October 1992, is not effective.

The growing number of repatriates results not only from the fundamental geopolitical changes on the territory of the former USSR but also from interethnic and socio-political tensions in other regions. As a result of interethnic conflicts and civil wars a new category of migrants, refugees, appeared. This category has become a very real factor on the migrational scene in contemporary Ukraine. The first refugees appeared in 1988-89 after the tragic events in Azerbaijan. In 1989, several thousand Meskheti Turks arrived in Ukraine from Uzbekistan. The largest influx of refugees occurred as a result of the hostilities in the Trans-Dniester region of Moldova. In August 1992 Ukraine received more than 60 000 refugees, half of whom were children.

Ukraine has also given the temporary protection for the refugees from military conflicts in Chechenia (Russia) andAbhasia (Georgia).

In addition to newcomers from the former Soviet republics there are also refugees from many countries of Africa, Southeast Asia and the Middle East. These are sometimes people who, for example, had lived in Ukraine as students and for one reason or another either refuse to return home or cannot do so. They require state protection and assistance. There are 2 697 recognised refugees in Ukraine now. Most of them are Afghans.

Some of the asylum-seekers are so-called "transit" migrants who take advantage of the relative transparency of Ukraine's eastern borders and move through Ukraine to the West. They stay on Ukraine's territory generally without proper documentation and try to cross the borders illegally. More than 10 000 foreigners are arrested at the border yearly and the number of violators is growing. Local criminals often offer their services to these illegal migrants. Criminal gangs are formed in order to transport people across the border. The intensification of illegal immigration threatens to aggravate the criminal, sanitary and health situation in Ukraine and to jeopardise the state in the broadest sense.

In addition to significant geopolitical changes, economic problems - more accurately the deep economic crisis which has to varying degrees affected all the post-Soviet states - constitute a second major factor affecting migration in Ukraine.

3. Emigration to the West

There are two decisive factors that mold migrational trends to the West: socio-political change, namely the democratisarion of society that led to the dismantling of the "iron curtain" isolating Ukraine from the rest of the world; and economic crisis.

Permanent emigration began to intensify in the late 1980s. In 1990 the total number of emigrants exceeded 90 000 (83 000 - or 92% - of whom went to Israel).

After 1991 emigration decreased due to increased hope that the creation of an independent Ukrainian state would mean an improvement of living conditions and stabilised on the figure of approximately 50 000 per year. Among the countries of destination Israel remained in first place (36%) and the United States came second. Almost 1/3 of the emigrants were Jews. Every fifth emigrant was Ukrainian. Russians constituted 15% of the total. The composition and direction of emigration to the West confirm that its previously ethnic character has changed and economic causes become decisive. The economic character of emigration is also confirmed by numerous sociological surveys.

The character of the current migrational situation in Ukraine would be incomplete without an analysis of temporary migration by Ukrainians to other countries. Over recent years a considerable number of people have had the opportunity to travel abroad. According to the Department of Visas and Registrations in 1987, at the beginning ofperestroika, the number of people going abroad for personal reasons did not exceed 85 000. In 1992 it reached the figure over 2 million. The destinations were mainly neighbouring countries with which Ukraine had non-visa regime and a good transportation system.

Since 1993 the state no longer issues permits for travel abroad. Therefore, after that time there is no accurate information on the number of temporary trips abroad made by Ukrainians. But according to data provided by the border guard service, their number is increasing.

Besides recreation or tourism, a great number of Ukrainians go abroad for work. During the early 90s, tens of thousands of people have carried small quantities of goods across the border in both directions to try to earn money from the price difference and differences in the currency exchange rates. Today a majority of them go to take seasonal work, very often illegally, in agriculture, construction or in the service sector. For many families the opportunity to travel abroad has become an important part of their survival strategy. The economic situation, the growth in unemployment and underemployment, and the decline in living standards suggest the number of people who forced to look for employment abroad is rather high and estimated in approximately 2 million people.

In view of the fundamental human rights relating to freedom of movement and choice of residence, the imposition of limits on the departure of Ukrainian citizens is obviously out of the question. However, the state is obliged to regulate this process and to protect its citizens working abroad. Unfortunately only 25 000 of them are working abroad under international agreements signed by Ukraine.

4. Legislation

Since the independence, a legislative base relating to migration has been created. Article 4, point 5, of the July 1990 Declaration of State Sovereignty stated that Ukraine would regulate immigration. The 1991 Law on "the Citizenship of Ukraine" is one of the most important pieces of legislation concerning migration to be adopted. The law provides the possibility of granting citizenship to people originally from Ukraine and thus encourages the repatriation.

The fate of displaced persons is dealt with in the Law on "the Rehabilitation of the Victims of Political Repression in Ukraine". According to Article 4 of this law people who had earlier been subject to repression, deportation or exile by the totalitarian regime, as well as their descendants, are guaranteed, among other civic rights, the renewal of the right to live where they had resided before they had been persecuted.

There is still no special law on the renewal of rights of persons deported on the basis of nationality. But there is a whole series of governmental decisions in this regard.

In December 1993, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine passed the "Law on Refugees". It is consistent with international norms. Though Ukraine did not accede to the 1951 United Nations' Convention on Refugees, the criteria for granting refugee status in Ukraine -persecution on racial, national or religious and political grounds - conform with the generally accepted norms.

According to the law on refugees, refugee status is granted for three months but can be extended. Refugees are guaranteed the right to freely choose their place of residence, to move unhindered on Ukrainian territory, to find employment, and to engage in business. People officially classified as refugees have the right to medical care, to receive financial support, pensions and other social benefits, education, legal recourse and to participate in civic organisations.

Foreigners who are not refugees are subject to the Law "On the Legal Status of Foreigners". It guarantees foreign citizens or those without citizenship who are residing legally in Ukraine equality before the law and the same rights and obligations as those enjoyed by Ukrainian citizens.

The next step in the area ofmigrational legislation should be the adoption of the draft law on immigration, which will regulate the regime for foreigners entering Ukraine for permanent residency or employment as well as naturalisation. The drafting of this law has been completed and it is on the Verkhovna Rada's agenda.

To co-ordinate the efforts of the various departments in the sphere of migration the Ministry (now State Committee) of Nationalities and Migration was created in 1993. It is the major government body responsible for developing and implementing migration policy. Migration service bodies which are subordinated to both the State Committee and the corresponding local authorities were created in 1994.

Other agencies also deal with matters relating to migration. Among them are the State Committee for Border Control, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Security Service of Ukraine, the Ministry of Labour and Social Policy, the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of Statistics.

Major efforts to solve migration problems are being made by Ukraine at the international level. These are primarily directed at ensuring the voluntary return of deportees, settling issues relating to international labour migration and at the co-ordination of efforts to prevent illegal migration.

Agreements on the employment have been signed with the Russian Federation, Moldova, Poland, the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic.

Since May 1993 Ukraine has enjoyed observer status at the International Organisation on Migration. It is also developing close co-operation with the UNHCR.

Thus, the foundations of a policy on migration and the appropriate legislation have been made a part of the Ukrainian state-building process. However, it is too early to speak about the existence of a coherent system of legal norms and stable administrative practices. The delay in establishing such a system is related to the lack of experience because, like many other elements of state policy, migrational policy and the means for implementing it were previously absent in Ukraine. Other factors are a lack of skilled personnel and serious economic difficulties compared to which finding a solution to migration-related problems is often not seen as a priority.




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Стратегічна панорама
Стратегічна Панорама   Національний інститут проблем міжнародної безпеки видає щоквартальний науково-аналітичний збірник "Стратегічна Панорама".

 

Спеціалізована Вчена Рада
Постановою президії ВАК від 12 березня 2008 р. № 14-08/3 в інституті створено спеціалізовану вчену раду Д26.723.01 із правом приймати до розгляду та проводити захист дисертацій на здобуття наукового ступеня доктора (кандидата) наук зі спеціальностей:

21.01.01 – Основи національної безпеки держави
(паспорт перелiк питань);

21.03.01 – гуманітарна і політична безпека держави;

21.03.02 – регіональна безпека держави;

21.03.03 – геополітика

21.04.01 – Eкономічна безпека держави
(паспорт перелiк питань);

Головою спецради призначено д.філос.н, професора М. А. Ожевана, ученим секретарем спецради - к.політ.н. Т. С. Стародуб.

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